Rebecca long-bailey: why she must step out from corbyn’s shadow | thearticle
Rebecca long-bailey: why she must step out from corbyn’s shadow | thearticle"
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Most people were always going to view Rebecca Long-Bailey’s bid for Labour’s top job through the lens of Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership. That meant some members would never get behind his chosen
successor, while others were destined to vote for Long-Bailey come what may. The contest to replace a leader as polarising as Corbyn was always going to have that effect. On some occasions,
Long-Bailey has struggled to break out of the straitjacket of being seen as the continuity candidate. On others, she has actively leaned into it, as when she was recently interviewed by
Corbyn for a campaign video. But the differences between Long-Bailey and Corbyn are more interesting than the similarities. She has proved her worth by taking on the gruelling slog of media
spokesperson, passionately putting forward the party’s agenda. She’s both brighter and more interesting than anyone who wants to simply paint her as Corbyn Mark II allows. In interviews and
articles, Long-Bailey’s focus has been relentlessly domestic. Corbyn’s politics, on the other hand, were almost exclusively shaped by foreign policy interests, his domestic radicalism coming
in its wake, almost as an afterthought. As Shadow Business Secretary, mentee of Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell and champion of the Green Industrial Revolution, Long-Bailey has put an
economic and environmental vision at the heart of her campaign. Critics say that this doesn’t do enough to distinguish her from the other candidates, as the Green Industrial Revolution is
Labour Party policy. But the way she sold the policy to the unions was a sign of her political deftness. Like her competitor Lisa Nandy, Long-Bailey was born in the Greater Manchester area.
Her family then moved out to Cheshire when her father took a job with Shell after being made unemployed. It was his experiences as a trade unionist, along with her mother’s passion as an
activist, which shaped Long-Bailey’s politics. During her first job, working in a pawnshop, she saw first-hand the sense of desperation that life on the edge brings to people. It is this
that fuels her radicalism and her focus on economics. While she was the first in her family to attend university and became a lawyer, she hasn’t forgotten how her upbringing affected her.
There are valid concerns about Long-Bailey and whether she would be able to break with the cultural problems that bedevilled Corbyn’s Labour. She has been criticised for giving Corbyn 10/10
on his leadership, and for not standing up to a questioner asking about “The Israel lobby” at a campaign Q & A (she has since said she regrets not doing so). She is backed by Len
McCluskey of the Unite union — one of the loudest voices to claim Labour’s anti-Semitism shame was a smear campaign. She is also backed by Momentum, whose Chair, Jon Lansman, is running her
campaign. There are fears that a lack of change behind the scenes would stop Labour from moving on, especially in acting on what are likely to be the devastating conclusions of the
Equalities and Human Rights Commission investigation into anti-Semitism. However, Long-Bailey has also left those who agree with McCluskey’s position, aggrieved, by calling herself a Zionist
and agreeing to sign up to the pledges given to all the candidates by the Board of Deputies of British Jews. This tension may be at the heart of why Long-Bailey’s candidacy hasn’t properly
taken off in the way Corbyn’s did. She is trying to offer moderated Corbynism to a membership who largely either want the full strength version or want nothing to do with it at all. This
problem was compounded by a scramble by some on the left at the start of the contest, to find a different candidate, with Ian Lavery and Barry Gardiner both briefly being floated as
potential contenders. While the machinery did eventually swing behind Long-Bailey, this put a spotlight on her perceived weaknesses from the start. Where Corbyn was an insurgent, she
represents incumbency. You can’t be an anti-establishment candidate from the shadow cabinet when your wing of the party has run everything for years. There is a strain on the left that
prefers a betrayal narrative to power and prefers to run against something than stand for it. Long-Bailey hasn’t offered quite such a dour worldview in her largely positive campaign. But she
hasn’t completely disavowed Corbyn and this will constrain her ability to reach across the party. This is shown most starkly in the polling. Long-Bailey is currently in second place, and if
third-placed Lisa Nandy were to drop out, Long-Bailey would take very few of her supporters. Her vote only goes up 2 per cent overall after votes are reallocated, leading to an even starker
gap between her and front runner Kier Starmer. Despite the fact that this contest was originally seen as the Corbynite candidates to lose, Rebecca Long-Bailey is not the favourite to win
next month. Whatever the ultimate result, when, eventually, there is distance between her and the Corbyn leadership, there will be a better space for her genuine talent to flourish outside
his shadow.
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