"careless english nationalism" is a threat to the union | thearticle

There may have been a good deal of humour in the Commons last week, as Leader Jacob Rees-Mogg waxed lyrical over the wonderful Ealing comedy _Passport to Pimlico_, in repelling the

persistent, but  perfectly politically astute efforts of the SNP to pursue their goal of independence for Scotland. While younger MPs might have looked the film up on Google, many of us

needed little prompting to remember Stanley Holloway and his desire for independence, (which I can only imagine settled deep in the young Rees-Mogg psyche.) The exchange didn’t come out of

the blue. There is growing tension between the Scottish Government and Westminster over coronavirus and the First Minister, Nicola Sturgeon, has often contrasted the Scottish pandemic

response with that of the English. This comparison has not always been unfavourable, despite her administration having some serious questions to answer. And yet, it seems to have given a

boost to the argument for Independence, which had been lagging behind the status quo in the polls this past year. Recent polling, and I’m fully aware of all the hesitations which must go

with that, is beginning show a slight but steady move towards an independent Scotland, and a potential SNP landslide in the next Holyrood elections. But it is not just Scots polling on the

issue that I think is significant. Other opinion surveys of the English, or non-Scots, is important evidence. At the time of the 2014 referendum, polling was used to persuade Scotland that

“better together” was the deep wish of all of us. However what has happened since is less conclusive. The Brexit result of course demonstrated a sharp divide — England voted 53 per cent to

Leave while Scotland voted 62 per cent to Remain. And as the debate raged about how the UK should leave, and what mattered most to English voters in that argument, I like many colleagues in

Parliament at the time was both stunned and saddened at polling which emerged in the summer and autumn of 2019 which indicated that two thirds of Tory members would see the Union dissolved

rather than lose Brexit. This reinforces in the minds of those pursuing independence that the union is less than skin deep, and therefore vulnerable to pressure. For a while the depth of the

difficulties of leaving the EU, and the costs, appeared to put a brake on the push for independence. It would be even more costly as the oil price dropped like a stone. The coronavirus at

first suggested that an entire “four nations” approach would be the best way to confront such a threat, not least in finding the immense resources necessary to rescue the UK economy as a

whole. These are substantial arguments. But there is a frailty to this. As pressure mounted on Westminster’s handling of the crisis, and differences were sharpened by Edinburgh, the overall

context of how we see each other seems to have become more significant. In this atmosphere careless language, and the sort of patrician humorous debating point which goes down well in

Westminster, looks more uncomfortable “north of the border”. This is really no joke. Scotland has its own legal and educational system, a devolved government, and a border physically marked,

and recognised by every traveller — it is not England, nor a district or area of it. The respect shown to Scotland during the Referendum, for its history, its pride and its vital

contribution to the success of the United Kingdom, became part of the argument against independence — it’s success depended on the Scottish belief that many English sincerely held these

views. The Brexit vote, and the views of many who carried it, suggest to many more than those in Scotland that Brexit had a very strong English nationalist sentiment about it; it is

absolutely vital to counter such a notion on every available occasion. And those in Westminster who led the UK out of the EU should not overlook the ironic parallels. They pursued a

singleminded campaign for many years, against the odds, in which whatever pertinent arguments there were about economic and political cost, the relentless lines about independence and

sovereignty, underpinned by a fervent nationalistic media campaign, won the day. That cat is already out of the bag — it is not surprising it is still scampering around. In this atmosphere,

it is vital that the Government does not act in a way that may come across as lacking respect. I am not untypically British. I come from a Scots family, first generation born in England. The

United Kingdom really matters to me. Scotland is entitled to choose its destiny, but I do not want its decision to have been partly driven by a careless English nationalism.